Essay: Ethnography Report within university education

[Word Count: 3,285]


Cultural adaptation represents a pressing issue within context of immigration; this is particularly true with regard to the growing body of international students who choose to study in Britain. This report highlight the most fundamental difficulties felt by international students when confronted by their new cultural surroundings. It then goes on to explain how feelings of alterity can be overcome by these groups of people, with a rich body of philosophical, sociological and anthropological theory included to support these statements. Qualitative data is obtained via the medium of interviews and overt observations of a group of African students who are currently studying in the city of Nottingham. The study concludes that, whilst feelings of alterity amongst international students are highly prevalent, affecting their lives in often discomforting and distressing ways, they can nonetheless be overcome through solidarity amongst other international students (especially those of similar background), and participating in local activities that bring feelings of joy.


This ethnographic report focuses on cultural adaptation within the context of university education. The high degrees of immigration facilitated by the current geopolitical climate have resulted in a globalised system in which significant numbers of international students come to study within the UK. With particular reference of non-western immigrants, these procedures inherently require the student to integrate with their new cultural surroundings. This study is of notable importance as it aims to expose the stresses and discomforts which naturally accompany this form of acculturation. In this respect, its overall objective is to assist non-western students in corresponding to their new cultural environments in the UK. The population under study is restricted to a small group of African nationals who are presently enrolled as first year undergraduate students at Nottingham Trent University. Through the medium of an informal interview process and overt observation, I attempted to ascertain the difficulties involved in these participants’ acculturation. As a result, the ethnographic findings pertinent to this study are generalizable only to the cross-cultural parameters specific to these participants, as opposed to student integration in toto. Toto is a Latin word{means altogether}

Literature Review

Ontological research throughout the past several decades has divulged many reasons as to why temporally-corresponding population groups possess differing values and worldviews. Foucault (1988), for one, argued that subjectivity is contingent on available forms of techniques and discourses that are, by the same virtue, dependent on time and space. Latour’s Actor-Network theory (2005), along with Ingold’s Meshwork theory (2007), is decidedly similar, in that precise yet dynamic combinations of human and non-human actors are put forward as determining factors in cultural difference. Subjectivities in these instances emerge directly from within these cultural networks. With this in mind, I would like to analyse how one realigns their own pre-configured ontology and habitus when adapting to those of a foreign culture.

Parekh (2000, 230-6) has suggested that within multicultural societies such as the UK, the assimilation of miscellaneous groups is perfectly feasible given that group identity is not arranged in such a way as to undermine others. In this respect, the integration of international students requires certain degrees of permeability amongst national identity. Within a later publication, Parekh (2008, 9) went on to distinguish three stages of identity; personal, social and individual. This, in my opinion, is a counterintuitive move, as I do not believe that the subjective and social elements of identity can be conveniently separated in this manner. Alternatively I would contend that cultural identity constitutes an indivisible package of conceptions and behaviours, which, in adherence to Foucault’s notion of dynamic nominalism (1973; 1979), bridges the objective cultural world with that of the self-conscious individual via discursive performance. Accordingly, the methodology implemented within this study is able to grasp both aforementioned entities through an analysis of the participants’ identities, therefore enabling a comprehensive view of their acculturation process.


As mentioned above, all participants are first year undergraduate students who are currently enrolled at Nottingham Trent University. Each is of African origin; five are Nigerian nationals, whilst one is Ghanaian. All are likewise female. Consent was obtained from all participants. The reasoning behind selecting this particular group of people stemmed principally from convenience as all six are my flatmates. Comprehensively speaking, Sampling methods have a major impact on the overall study as they ultimately dictate the quality of data being collected. With effective sampling techniques comes an assurance that the data is as representative as possible, and is thus applicable to the types of populations under scrutiny. The convenience sampling applied here does have a few drawbacks. All participants are of relatively similar background, particularly those of Nigerian nationality, thereby diminishing the applicability of the study’s results to many other instances of student acculturation. The sample size is also small, which leads to similar problems concerning representation. Nevertheless, the use of convenience sampling meant that data was readily available and was collected in a timely fashion. The entire sample is made up of non-western students who had hitherto began integrating into British society. Consequently, the difficulties they faced regarding migration were all prevalent issues at the time and were easily ascertained via both the interview and observation processes.


In order to ensure access to the participants I first explained to them I wanted to both interview and observe them. With reference to the interview stage it was made abundantly clear that no questions of a personal nature would be asked. The observation stage was overt in nature, thus all participants knew beforehand that they were going to be observed. Moreover, the aims and objectives of the study were explained to the participants in full. During the initial interview stage, large degrees of access were available to the participants as I knew each on a personal basis and all were happy to be interviewed. Some problems did occur, however, when overt observations were being conducted, as access to the participants was somewhat abated due to the public nature of their surroundings. Also, in order to decrease the influence of what has become known as the ‘Hawthorne effect’ (Landsberger 1958), whereby participants often behave unnaturally due their knowledge of the study being undertaken, the sample was not told when they would be observed. All ethical issues were dealt with by way of consent form, thus all degrees of access achieved within this study were agreed in full prior to its initiation.


The study was accomplished by conducting an initial interview stage which was then proceeded by a session of overt observation. The entirety of the data collected from these stages were qualitative in nature, enabling an adequately ‘thick’ description (Geertz 1973), whereby highly descriptive pieces of information were used to add contextual depth to the behaviours under observation. No quantitative data was, however, collected.

Whilst all observations were administered on an overt basis, there were nevertheless some issues concerning reflexivity as I was not personally immersed within the participants’ activities, taking instead the role of an objective analyst. This was also the case with regard to the interview process. However, in being an international student myself I was able to evaluate my own actions in a manner that recognised my embodied connection to the phenomenon under analysis. According to Mitchell (1995), international students in particular make effective critics of western culture as they are, to certain degrees at least, detached a priori from the western institutions which give context to their data. Therefore, whilst I was unable to be thoroughly reflexive with regard to the experiential aspects of international studentship, sufficient amplitudes of objectivity where nonetheless achieved within a cultural context. In this sense the methodology under implementation was both value-laden and non-positivist. The interview process comprised four stages of analysis. The first three involved group interviews, during which the participants were asked how they felt when confronted with their new surroundings upon arrival to the UK. The answers given here were of fundamental importance, as they provided a basic, experiential level of cross-cultural alterity. This was followed by a subsequent question concerning how they adapted to these surroundings, primarily with reference to food and weather. Again, this stage determined alterity, although it also aimed at determining how this foreign ‘otherness’ was dealt with. The final group interview then centred on the participants’ experiences during their first night out partying. This took a slightly different route to the first two questions, as I wanted to determine their behaviours within a more relaxed and convivial setting. The final line of questioning engaged the participants on an individual basis. Only three were interviewed on this occasion, during which time they explained why they had chosen to study at Nottingham Trent University, and why they had chosen to immerse themselves within a foreign culture more generally. These interviews supplemented the observational methodology very effectively as they added layers of subjective context that the latter process simply could not accomplish. Giddens (1990, 309) once argued that social actors are far more knowledgeable about their own behaviours than ethnographers would initially believe. By uncovering the intentionality attached to social agency, interviews of this nature are able to emphasise contradictions in participants’ thought processes and actions.

Overt observations were conducted within settings that epitomised the participants’ ‘daily rounds’. These including periods of socialising within school, durations of routine activity within their accommodation, and social gatherings which involved high levels of conviviality. According to Terrazas-Carrillo et al. (2014), international students who are acclimatising to their new cultural settings often renegotiate the meanings attached to certain places. By these means, they fulfil particular, context-dependent needs, such as moments of self-expression or the articulation of emotional experiences more generally. In considering this, it seems reasonable to suggest that the places within which the participants’ were observed during my study represented pivotal locations in which acculturation began to take place. These types of situations were familiar to the participants and were already attached to their senses of self; the redefining of the participants’ surroundings, in accordance with their own personalities, would inevitably begin within localities of this cross-cultural nature.


A quick review of the ethnographic literature pertaining to both the twentieth and twenty-first centuries will reveal that it has become commonplace to realign ethnographic methodologies to the idiosyncratic vulnerabilities of participants, along with the sensitivities attached its research topic (e.g. Lee 1993; Hobbs 2002). These concerns were especially prevalent within my particular study as I was dealing with international students whose recent moves to the UK had causes pronounced feelings of vulnerability. In order to tackle this, and to ensure that my study’s effects on the lives of the participants were as minimalized as possible, I obtained written consent for both the interview and observation stages.

With specific reference to the overt observations undertaken, I did not tell the participants exactly when they were going to be observed, although this was a necessary step in order to diminish the aforementioned ‘Hawthorne effect’. However, all ethical guidelines set out by the British Sociological Association (BSA) (2002) were adhered to rigidly.

Personal Involvement

The degrees of personal involvement which ethnographic researchers attain during their research are a contentious issue within academia in general. On the one hand, a decrease in personal involvement establishes both objectivity and an adherence to scientific principles, yet on the other it negates much subjective data that could be acquired from researcher participation. As an international student myself, who has personal experience of the phenomenon under investigation, I was able to strike a fine balance between these two schools of thought. There were, of course, high degrees of personal involvement during the interview stage as I conducted the lines of questioning on an intimate, face-to-face basis. This, however, was unavoidable. With regard to the overt observations, I merely observed the participants within the immediate vicinity whilst pretending to conduct normal activities. By way of example, observations within the participants’ accommodation were conducted under the guise of me reading, whilst I maintained the role of close friend during social gatherings. The fact that I possessed friendly relationships with all participants prior to the study would have of course decreased objectivity, although, for reasons of access, this choice of sample was desirable.

Analysis of Main Themes

It is clear from the findings that upon arriving in the UK the participants had entered into a cultural setting noticeably different to their own. We can observe from Appendix C that when involved in simple daily activities the participants possessed general feelings of confusion and apprehension, whether these resulted from attending social situations or merely spending time within their accommodation. We can likewise observe from Appendix A that these feelings often developed into frustration, particularly when the participants attempted to navigate their new surroundings, comprehend the local dialect or find foods that they were accustomed to. All participants ostensibly felt this way, thus suggesting that initial feelings of alterity are common conditions for non-western, international students living in the UK.

Post-structuralist theory tells us that different cultures, even if contemporaneous to one another, exhibit institutional characteristics that are ‘the same but different’. In order to understand this statement we must first establish what constitutes a ‘culture’. For Comaroff and Comaroff (1992, 27), a ‘culture’ is essentially ‘a semantic space, [a] field of signs and practices, in which human beings construct and represent themselves and others’. By considering Latour’s Actor-Network theory (2005), we can perhaps expand on this notion further by stating that the confines of culture stretch beyond symbolism and language to include non-human entities such as streets or food. In this instance I would argue that by moving from their respective countries in Africa to the UK, the participants essentially entered into a cultural network that, whilst being composed of the same entities as within their homelands, was configured in a slightly different manner. By acknowledging this ethnographic study in these terms, the ‘same but different’ characteristics that the UK possessed from the participants’ perspectives begin to unravel in meaningful ways. By way of example, within Appendix A it is stated by the group that whilst they were entirely familiar with the functions of traffic lights, they were nonetheless perplexed by the green and red symbols which signalled crossing opportunities. It is also noted afterwards that, when compared to their home countries, a clear dissimilarity was recognised with regard to how streets are named and referenced in the UK. This had a cumulative effect on the participants’ ability to read maps, and again the situation comprised familiar cultural elements implemented in unfamiliar ways. Members of British society are fully aware of the meaning content represented by both aforementioned operations; it has become so culturally engrained that it literally ‘goes without saying’ (Bloch 1998, 22-38). Unfortunately for our participants both the meanings and functions pertinent to many situations did not adhere to this principle, but required cultural re-contextualisation on their part. In Latourian terms, the material and symbolic assemblages that make up these operations have also become ‘blackboxed’ (Latour 1999; 2005) to the British populace, whereby their functional capacities have become normalised to the point that they are hardly even recognised on a conscious level. According to the theory of blackboxing, however, these assemblages become instantly recognisable as soon as their functions are no longer felt in any pragmatic sense. Referring back to the participants, the levels of unfamiliarity felt within their new urban environments threatened their sense of ‘being-in-the-world’, because this state ‘is always in some way familiar’ (Heidegger 1962, 85).

On the other hand, not all cultural difference was experience within purely negative terms. This is exemplified perfectly when Etty involves herself in a convivial situation where loud music is playing and alcohol consumption is encouraged. These represented two aspects of British culture that were distinctly unfamiliar to her. However, in Appendix A she nonetheless states that she enjoyed both the music and the experience of drinking alcohol for the first time. In this sense it is apparent that Etty had overcome her feelings of alterity by embracing the cultural differences that she found pleasurable. In fact, all participants appear to have implemented a similar process in order to break down cultural barriers. From Appendix C it is clear to observe that, for example, Sophie had developed an instant adoration for clothes shopping, whilst Merari became well known within the group for her appreciation of a particular brand of drink known as Red Bull. On the other hand, no single activity outlined in the Appendices seems to have been enjoyed on a universal basis.

It has likewise been demonstrated that group solidarity played a fundamentally important role in the participants’ acculturation, as observable principally within Appendix C. By spending significant amounts of time with one another, particularly within the confines of their accommodation, the participants felt far more comfortable as they were alongside others of the same background. In this way they were being eased through their acculturation by retaining comfortable degrees of familiarity, thus stabilising, if only momentarily, their senses of ‘being-in-the-world’ (ibid.). Another factor to consider alongside this is that of participant desire. From the data provided by Appendix B it is ostensibly the case that all three participants who took part in the individual interviews desired to immigrate to the UK for varying reasons.

Overall it is clear that the participants were met with a variety of challenging situations which tort of defmation is a tort designed to protect the reputation of individuals. everyone has the right to freedom of speech but there sould be a balance between freedom of speech and infringing on others right. for this reason the caused considerable degrees of stress and discomfort. The participants were nonetheless also drawn into their new surroundings by activities or cultural elements that they found pleasing, albeit in unequal measure. In referring back to Foucault’s theory of ‘dynamic nominalism’ (1973; 1979), it appears that both social structure and behaviour were reconfigured through the medium of identity. Contrary to the claims of Parekh (2008, 9), I would argue that identity constitutes an intricately entangled series of preferences and conditions which enable the social agent to relate with the world in both a meaningful and functional way. It is clear, however, that the participants’ initial contact with British culture seriously diminished this as the elements which made up their identities were temporarily scrambled and disjointed. Nevertheless, via the process learning and, perhaps more importantly, enjoying their experiences in the UK, the participants were able to reconfigure their identities thus making acculturation possible. By retaining elements of their African integrities whilst simultaneously performing ‘British’ activities, the participants were able to form new identities that enmeshed both.


Overall, the findings from both the interview and observation stages suggest that non-western students who immigrate to the UK generally find the initial process of acclimatisation both stressful and disheartening. These feelings were, however, overcome via several means, most notably through participating in activities which brought much personal joy and also via solidarity with those of a similar background. It is nevertheless important to note that these findings cannot be applied to the phenomenon in its entirety due to issues of cultural homogeneity amongst participants. Similar issues also arose with regard to gender, as the entire sample was female. If further research on this topic were to be conducted I would recommend using a wider array of participants from various non-western backgrounds. The experiences of international students living across the entirety of the UK would also have to be scrutinised.

From a comprehensive perspective the study has ascertained how problems of acculturation amongst international students living in the UK can be overcome. In conclusion, whilst I have outlined several factors in how the participants were able to tackle their feelings of alterity, perhaps the most important factor in this entire study is that of time, as the more often one is confronted with unfamiliar situations, the faster those situations become familiar and therefore ‘blackboxed’.


Overall, I have learnt that ‘culture’ essentially delimits individual behaviours and thought processes. On the other hand it is clear from this study that it is also malleable, and by making slight alterations to one’s identity one is able to transcend cultural boundary. Prior to the study, I believed that it would be very difficult for international students to adapt to British society and that there would always be somewhat of an ontological separation between them and their surroundings in the UK. However, this study has shown me that this notion is in fact not true, and that international students are able to transcend their own cultural constraints in surprisingly effective manners. The study has also convinced me that, regardless of cultural background, all persons are fundamentally the same and are able to communicate across cultural boundaries on deep and meaningful levels. The knowledge I have gained from this project has helped me realise that I am able to study abroad whilst retaining both my happiness and sanity, and that many positive experiences are likely to come of it.


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Terrazas-Carrillo, E. C., Hong, J. Y. and Pace, T. M. 2014. Adjusting to New Places: International Student Adjustment and Place Attachment. Journal of College Student Development 55 (7): 693-706.

Appendix A – Group Interview Summary
I Interviewed my six flat mates together: Ekene, Etty, Merari, Sophie and Vanessa (Nigerian); Afia (Ghanaian).

1) How did you feel when you came into this culture (England) for the first time?

Group: First of all we felt bad at our parents for bringing us to England, because we came here alone. We neither knew our way about, the direction to our accommodation, nor to the school building, so we felt frustrated and we wanted to go back to our home countries. We also cried because leaving our parents and friends was such a hard thing to do. Vanessa: I didn’t feel bad about this because I have always wanted to leave them for a while. Group: Also it was hard for us to communicate with people from this country, as we didn’t understand their accent and it was very frustrating. And we also felt like outsiders because we couldn’t fit into this new culture. We didn’t mind living with people because we knew this was necessary in order to get used to this place.

Ekene: it was so hard for me to live with 5 other people because I like my private life.

2) How did you adapt to the new environment, food and weather condition?

Group: First of all the weather was so cold, as we weren’t used to such weather. We even got the flu almost immediately.

Afia: the country was so cold for me because I am a Ghanaian and Ghana is a very hot country. We found out the best way to adapt to the environment was by wearing warm cloths and getting winter boots. Although we liked the snow, we didn’t like the way it felt on our bodies.

Merari: I loved the weather so much; Nigeria is a hot country and I don’t like heat.

Group: When we first came to the country, we couldn’t cope with the cultural environment because it was different in comparison to our home countries. For example, the road had different traffic lights, and in Africa, where we’re from, we usually cross the road without waiting for the signs. They also named their streets differently; we had to start learning the map to know our way around. Unfortunately, we couldn’t even do this and we had to have someone explain it to us. With regard to food, we were mainly used to our African style of food.

Ekene: I was so selective when it came to food, because I normally only let my mum prepare food for me. I didn’t understand some of their ingredients either.

Sophie: I didn’t like the food and I still don’t like the way their Fanta tastes. I love Fanta but I couldn’t waste my money buying that which didn’t taste nice. Their rice is also difficult to prepare. Group: When we came here we found out that there were various kinds of food from various part of the world available to us. We became so selective with food because we knew that finding foods we liked, for example pounded yam, white soup and pottage, was going to be difficult.

Etty: I didn’t mind the food, as I was already tired of eating African food and I love trying to make different type of food, so this I didn’t mind it.

Afia: the food was a problem for me because it was hard for me to find Ghanaian food or ingredient.

3) How was your first night out?

Group: We had an amazing night out.

Sophie: It was really good; I had a lot of fun. I had to socialise with different types of people from different cultures.

Afia: I didn’t like their music; it wasn’t interesting and I was so bored at the club.

Vanessa: their music was okay, although we wanted more afro beats. It was quite fun.

Etty: I never knew I could have such fun! I loved their music; I am tired of afrobeats! I drank alcohol for the first time in my life and also loved that experience. Overall I enjoyed the different lifestyle that Britain offered.

Appendix B ‘ Individual interviews with Etty, Vanessa and Ekene

Why did you choose this university and why did you choose to live within another culture?

Etty: I chose this university because I heard from my friends that it is really good, with high standards of teaching. My parents also liked the school. I chose to adopt a new culture because I am eager to learn about the world.

Vanessa: I chose this university because unlike other schools I actually met their grade requirements. I went through their teaching standards and I found out it was really good. I chose to come to a new culture because I wanted to experience things outside of Nigeria. I knew it would be hard to understand English culture but to be successful you have to go for it. England is also really good for my course.

Ekene: I chose this university because they offered the course I wanted to study. I chose to come here because I wanted to experience a different kind of culture.

(I did not interview the rest of my flat mates)

Appendix C ‘ Summary of Overt Observations

1) General observations

I observed all participants acted in similar ways; they were mostly lost and confused as a result the whole process of being within the confines of university. They were always shy and they found it hard to make friends. They tended to party a lot because they believed that first year did not count towards their final grade.

When my observation started I discovered that my flat mates could not balance both their academic work and social life together; they tended to party a lot more than study. They ended up missing several lectures as a result.

They love doing things together like washing laundry and cleaning after cooking and eating. They also seem to thoroughly enjoy food shopping together.

When the participants moved into their accommodation I can remember that they were all both shy and lonely. They also found it difficult to talk to one another, although involving themselves in social gatherings thoroughly remedied this issue.

Overall, all participants appear a lot more comfortable within their surroundings as compared to when they first arrived.

2) Behaviours within School Environments

All participants spent a considerable amount of time studying in the library. They also seem to spend a lot of time conversing with one another and are often hesitant to branch out and meet other people. This does not stop them from doing so however, as although they do show some signs of discomfort when confronted by others, these are nonetheless overcome relatively quickly, as they are able to communicate on a perfectly friendly basis.

3) Behaviours within their Accommodation

Sophie often spends her time outside of her accommodation shopping for clothes, and this is regularly commented upon by the rest of the group. The other participants, along with many of Sophie’s friends in general, refer to her as ‘Mrs. Topshop’. Before going to sleep at night Sophie also calls everyone together so they can prey.

Vanessa loves to explore the local area and is often away from her accommodation during the night as she likes to stay over a friend’s house. She seems to be fitting into her new surroundings well in this regard.

Merari often spends time alone. She has also picked up the habit of drinking an energy drink known as ‘Red Bull’. It seems she cannot be without it at times.

Overall, when spending time within their accommodation, they are often together conversing. They regularly talk about how different the UK is in comparison to their home countries.

4) Behaviours when Participating in Convivial Gatherings

Afia does not seem to enjoy partying, as she often has one drink at a club and then leaves.

Etty thoroughly enjoys clubbing, and expresses this the most visibly in comparison with the other participants as she dances the most.

All participants are highly sociable within these particular situations and appear to enjoy meeting new people. Whilst visibly nervous at first, after the consumption of alcohol takes place, the participants really start to enjoy themselves. This situation contrasts heavily with the school environment, as the participants appear to enjoy talking to other people a lot more.

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